Krishna Paudel :- Nepalese communist movement has a 7 and half decade long uneven history of its ups and downs. Formed to overthrow Rana Oligarchy and Panchayet autocracy, communist party of Nepal launched various movements alone and together with other forces as per the need of the time and space in order to bestow sovereignty to Nepalese people through federal republic state structure and inclusive, democratic, and scientific constitution through constituent assembly. From the very beginning it suffered occasional split, treachery, betrayal, and dishonesty from within the party and outside.
National and international issues, international communist movement, lack of managerial skill in systematizing two line struggle within the party, individual ego, jealousy, and lust for power remained some of the causing factors behind party split. However, efforts were made to consolidate communist movement from the hidden corners this way or that. Coincidently, Communist movement that had been conceived as NCP in 1949 came to be unified under the same name after around three decades of its journey spreading rays of hope of bright days on the face of proletarian / working class people. The two largest communist parties that were heading through peaceful parliamentary political course, CPN UML, and violent armed revolution, CPN, Maoist Center, came to meet at one point baffling the whole world in this 21 century. The paper has studied Nepalese communist movements, its split, unification, division, treachery, reasons of theirsplit and the future being based on ShubhaShankar Kandel’s Safe Landing, a beneficial compendium (Pandey, XLV) to the nation. The study has applied qualitative approach and the book itself is the primary source of the study. Though the unification of two largest communist parties, CPN UML and CPN, Maoist Center has thrown some rays of hope of better life of working class people, it is very difficult to predict such autopian state as dreamed by the communist leaders these days. The national and international reactionary forces, power centers, and global political phenomena are not in favor of communism and are always making effort to dismantle communist supremacy in Nepali soil it is hard to predict its better future. However, Nepal can prove the reality of the workings of communism in case the leaders remain honest to their promise and commitment made before the people.
Key words: Communist, Movement, safe Landing, Imperialism
Background of the Study
This paper analyzes Nepalese communist movement on the basis of The Safe Landing a translated version of Avataran, written by Shubha Shankar Kandel, a renowned mediaentrepreneur and reputed journalist. It also concentrates on the reasons behind the formation of Nepal Communist Party, NCP its repeated split and unification and the future course of communist movement in Nepal. Nepal Communist Party was founded on 15 September 1949being influenced and impressed by Marxist literature and writers like Rahul Sankrityayana, Marx , Angels and others and international communist leaders like Karl Marx, Lenin, Stalin and Mao –Ze-Dong as well as by the activities of Communist party of India, China and The Soviet Union.At a time when people were inside the dark cage of autocratic Rana regime, Nepal Communistparty was formed with the primary strategy to overthrow autocratic Rana regime as well as feudalism and imperialism. Pushpa Lal Shrestha, Nar Bahadur Karmacharya, Niranjan Govinda Baidhya, and Narayan Bilas Joshi were the founding members of NCP and Pushpa Lal Shrestha was the founding general secretary of the party. Coming to 2018 NCP underwent many ups and downs in course of its more than a six decade long political journey and faced series of setbackdue to intra-party dispute leading to consequent split into multiple communist shops not for the sake of safeguarding and consolidating communist movement but to grab opportunity.
Unfavorable international situation, divide and rule policy of the palace and ego tussle among leaders always weakened communist movement. Being impressed and influenced by, CharuMazumdar, the political and ideological architect of Naxalbari and the Communist Party of India, Marxist-Leninist, a group of Jhapaliyouths launched a movement led by Jhapa district committee to abolish feudal lordship through armed uprising but later it turned to be a democratic party under the name of CPN, UML. They all renounced the formal school and university degrees and involved in party claiming that paper certificates werenothing for the upliftment of proletarian class people. In course of its political journey communist party of Nepal underwent split, division, unification, allegation, counter allegation. Present study has carried a surgical operation of the dynamics of Nepalese communist movement, its formation, reasons of occasional splits and unifications and its future being based on ‘safe landing’. Aqualitative approach has been adopted while focusing on the reasons behind the germination of CPN, its split, and finally the unification after a seven decade long political course. Safe landing is the primary source of this study and journals, books, library resource, and internet materials are the secondary sources.
Kandel’s Safe landing has focused its concern on a decade long Maoist armed revolution during which around 17000 people including security personals lost their lives, many remained wounded, handicapped, and physically deformed.Four issues of communist movement in Nepal. The history of communist movement, its armed struggle, process of transformation and the unification of two large communist parties, CPN, UML and CPN, Maoist. However, this paper studied three fundamental issues related to Nepalese communist movement; its establishment, trends of split, current unification between two largest communist parties and the future of communist movement in Nepal. The study showed that Nepal communist party was established in order to liberate proletarian class people from the tyranny of the then Panchayet rulers especially monarchy, feudalism ,and imperialism, NCP split time and again under different names and pretensions due to the inability of leadership to properly manage intra-party dispute, personal ego among leaders, external influence, and the future course of communist movement in Nepal to be a bit gloomy due to the inconsistency between what the leaders make commitment and they do.
When leaders’ activities fail to address party workers’ simple expectation, there results a kind of doubt in people about the real intention of their leaders. Some of them blame for betraying the martyrs, party activists and Nepalese soil. Those who sacrificed their lives, family and property have been ignored and are compelled to live an inferior life that they had not even guessed. This paper also carries an intense debate on the overall character of communist leaders whose speech and acts do not have unanimity, the expectations of party rank and file and general public, probable success and failure of communist movement in Nepal, the future of communism and socialism keeping in view of the current trend seen among party leaders and affluent party workers. After the critical analysis this study has come to the point that the increasing trend of deification in communist parties in Nepal has eroded communist movement and general people have been distressed by this sort of ill- practice and anti-communist nature.
Established to demolish feudal autocratic Rana regime, CPN actively involved itself in all movements, revolts, and revolutions launched by the people, political parties, and civil society and finally Nepal has been transformed as a federal democratic republic nation uprooting 204 year long Rana regime and 55 year long Shah Regime. Political parties forged an agreement to end a decade long insurgency and promulgated a democratic constitution guaranteeing people’s fundamental civic rights, press freedom, impartial judiciary, periodic elections, supremacy of law and equality. A coalition government under the premiership of communist leader Man Mohan Adhikari was formed in the year that could rule only nine months but left a positive impression to general public and the second communist government has been leading a majority government under the premiership of the then CPN, UML chairman KP Sharma Oli for the second time.
The history of communist movement in Nepal is not linear in the sense that it bore a painful wound of split, unity, unification, division, betrayal and so on. Despite leaders’ dubious character two third of the population stand in favor of communism and they have not lost their trust. They seem to be hopeful of their bright future under communism though international experiences have proved the opposite of what they are dreaming. The opponents of communism do their level best to motivate people through different means but Nepalese people have shown a kind of unfillable courage to materialize their dream. Many writers, thinkers and scholars have divergent opinion about communist movement, its present, future and the destination in Nepal. Some of them are of the view that communism no longer sustains in Nepal, others suggest to change the name and so on but no one really penetrate the core of the Nepalese communist movement and its future. Therefore, this paper, apart from above mentioned points, focusses on the future course of communism and its destination.
Some incidents prove that the movements launched by communist parties are based on the individual whims and fancies of leaders whereas, some of them seem to be well managed and planned. The announcement of ‘Prachandapath’ as Maoist’s ideology, the boycott of 1979 referendums, joining Gyanendra framed government, and blaming Pushpa Lal of being betrayer can be examples to prove the claim. Attention has been given on the analysis of the periodic glimpse of communist movement from its establishment to the beginning of people’s war in 1991, post– people’s war period of communist movement, and post-unification of two giant communist parties of Nepal at the same time proper attention has been given on the thematic analysis of the movement from the beginning to till date and its future without international support and cooperation.
The research methodology for the study has been analytical or descriptive and the book ‘The Safe Landing’ is the primary source of the study whereas reviews, journals, newspapers, comments and other books are the secondary sources.
Inception of CPN
Khadka sees ,Poverty associated with a higher incidence of socioeconomic inequalities, geographical proximity with communist China, and India’s growing influence in Nepali sociopolitical life, made Nepal a fertile ground for the Communist movement”( 55-56) behind the birth of communist party in Nepal
Communist Party of Nepal, founded on 15 September 1949 in Kolkata, India under the leadership of Pushpa Lal Shrestha, convened its first general convention in 1954 nominating Man Mohan Adhikari as its general secretary.After the end of Rana regime Communist movement struggled against 4 kings, Tribhuvan, Mahendra, Birendra and Gyanendra and finally uprooted monarchywith the active support and involvement of Nepali congress and other fringe nationalist parties in 1991/1992 and established federal democratic republic joining hands with Nepali congress and other fringe parties. In the initial phase of communist movement communist party of Nepal divided into pro-Moscow and Pro-Beijing groups. Nepalese communist involved into brawl for nothing except the way of looking the USA, USSR and other countries. Issues happening in foreign soils became inseparable issue for them and for the divergent opinion they kept on blaming each other. CPN split to CPN, ML and CPN, fourth convention and later on they split as Mashal and Masal and ML became UML. Mashal changed into United People’s Front and waged people’s war for almost a decade causing around 17000 human casualties from both sides, the government and rebels. CPN, UML became a parliamentary party and registered its forceful presence in the parliament and ruled the government too. NCP Maoist saved communist movement through armed struggle and NCP UML opted for peaceful course. Finally Maoist too decided to come to peaceful political course renouncing violence through 12 point peace accord inked between the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and the CPN (Maoist) in November 2005 in Delhi, India. This remained a pivotal juncture in unifying two largestcommunist parties of Nepal.
If we trace the history of communist movement we can find its bitter ups and downs. Split,fraction, unity, allegation-counter allegation, verbal propaganda, ideological deviation, sacrifice and opportunism as the fundamental traits ofcommunist parties and their leaders in Nepal. The brawl of personal ego among party leaders, the issue of international communist movement, and their extreme lust for power remained crucial in weakening communist movement. The then King Mahendra adopted ‘divide and rule policy’ in weakening communist forces. As a result communists’ parties could not have unanimous voice against feudalism and imperialism. Instead they started to blame against each other. Fundamentally behind the establishment of CPN,following reasons are worth remembering quotes Kandel categorically:
a. Attraction of youths towards glorious revolution 1917 and Chinese revolution 1949.
b. The influence on Nepalese people by the wave of renaissance of national liberation movement in Asia, Africa, and Latin America brought after the Second World War.
c. The increasing inclination of Nepalese educated youths towards Marxism, especially after the socialist side became the supporter of national liberation movement.
d. And, Nepali youths who went to India for higher study became influenced by the Indian communist and initiated to establish in Nepal realizing its organization. (110)
Trend of Factionalism
Factionalism is not a new trend in communist movement if we look seriously about it starting from former Soviet Union to latest Nepal. Khadka opines, “Factionalism is not the consequence of the ideological incompatibility between communism and democracy” (56). Khadka claims,” Nepal’s two immediate neighbors, India and China, have played a major role in causing factionalism in the Communist movement insofar as the role of external factors is concerned”(61-62).Khadka a sees external dynamics:
External factors are the dynamics of Chinese communism and the Chinese and Indian policy towards Nepal. The dynamics of Soviet communism, Sino-Soviet and Indo-Soviet relations, as well as the Soviet-Nepal relations, were influential in Nepal’s Communist movement. Similarly, the global as well as regional policy of the former Soviet Union was also of secondary importance in Nepal’s Communist movement. The U.S. policy towards Nepal in particular, and South Asia in general, as well as the nature of the Sino-U.S. and the U.S. Soviet relations were factors that provided stimulus to the trend towards factionalism.(62).
What Khadka has claimed has been truly working behind the split and division of communist parties in Nepal. Before 2016 Nepalese communist parties were this way or that not autonomous in context to taking risk while deciding issues in favor of people and the country. Foreign intervention used to be dominant in their activities, however, after political parties defied India’s insistence to prolong time for the promulgation of constitution of Nepal 1916 , communist movement got its autonomy a bit. Fundamentally, the interest of India, China, the USA, and European Union remains determinant in Nepalese politics due to its dependent economy. Fear of possible noncooperation from these countries
Always lurks behind Nepal and it can’t take its stance even in support of national issues. Since hope leads to fear, the communist parties in Nepal seem to have dilemma in taking right decision in right time. It is because they have also hope of help from external forces and that hope always make them a step back due to the fear of possible detachment. They think going against the will of foreign powers may jeopardize their future course.
By 1962 Nepalese communist movement was divided into two camps; pro-Chinese faction and pro-soviet Union faction. Keshar Jung Rayamajhi led the pro-Soviet Union faction whereasPushpa Lal and others led pro-Chinese faction. From the inception of Nepal Communist Party in 1949 Pushpa Lal Singh, Tulsi Lal Amatya, Keshar Jung Ryamajhi, Man Mohan Adhikari, Mohan Bikram, Narayan Man Bijhunkshe, Rohit, Sahana Pradhan, Bishnu Bahadur Manandhar, Nirmal Lama, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Prachanda, J. N. Khanal, Madhav Kumar Nepal, CP. Mainali and KP. Sharma Oli remained the leading figures of communists’ movement of Nepal that has been fragmented into 20 factions till date. In one hand the organized strength and population of communist movement has considerably increased these days, but on the other hand internal conflict, feuds and factionalism are taking space with in this movement to a greater extent. India’s role in making them dance in its tune is obvious to all. However, no one is ready to accept the bitter reality. Whenever, communist movement starts taking its definite shape, tries to march ahead assimilating the voices of people, and establish its own political ground, the ruling government of India infests united strength and spirit. One of the open example of its play behind the curtain can be justified by its effort of imposing pressure upon political parties for not promulgating the constitution of Nepal 2016. Despite Maoist’s entry in peaceful political course through historic 12 point peace accord inked between seven party alliance and Maoist, India has kept on continuing its business behind the curtain to foil the unity. Political analysts are of the view that Dr. Baburam’s outing from Maoist, forming Naya Shakti Party, joining the process of party unification ( UML, Maoist, Naya Shakti), and again outing and joining Upendra Yadav led Federal Socialist Party without any decisive power and position have something to do with his India lenient political course. However, we can’t self –disrespect ourselves, twisting the facts of history and determined goals of political power and claim everything has been imposed fromoutside (Kandel, XIX). The trend of split in communist movement are fundamentally due to external and internal reason. Slight change in international communist movement can bring an upheavals in Nepal especially in communist parties. They do not go into the deeper level but utilize it as an opportunity to split and form new party. No intense debate on ideological issues can be seen behind such split. The underlying ego of contemporary leaders work actively to divide them. Moreover, the dilemma of communist parties very often play a crucial role in making communist movement defunct and paralyzed. One blames the other easily without any ground and solid proof. The wrangle between Pushpa Lal and Mohan Bikram after king Mahendra’s coup 1960, blame of traitor against Pushpa Lal and allegations and counter allegations against each other between Prachanda and Baburam as well as others are noted examples. Suspecting everything every time in accordance to the personal whim without carrying in-depth study and research, in Kandel’s word, can be the tendency and clumsy style of crony capitalism (XIX).
Whatever happened in the past in the name of party split, division, and unification, all should be considered positively since all had the dream of assimilating fragmented communist movement and make a strong and unified Nepal Communist Party , it has been materialized with the unification of CPN UML , that had been launching struggle through peaceful parliamentary political course and CPN, Maoist ( Center), that had just entered to peaceful political course completing a decade long armed revolution. The question of internal democracy within the party and intra-party dispute are the burning issues in communist movement. Lack of open discussions on any issue that occupies public space is also one of the serious causes of party split. Simply on the basis of personal likes and dislikes issues are accepted or rejected. On the issue of the campaign against Pushpa Lal no one thinks about the alternative as Kandel raises question, “whether the publication of ‘Traitor Pushpa Lal’ was really an ideological struggle and the party could advance ahead unless Pushpa Lal was declared a traitor’ (163). Bam Dev Gautam split party in 1997 and formed CPN ML simply on the issue of Tanakpur agreement with India. The then 40 parliament members went out of the mother party and joined ML. However, ML got zero seat in the parliamentary election and even UML could not get expected seats. The 1998 split remained a historic blunder in the history of Nepalese communist movement because that incident pushed communistmovement back for a long time. But Bam Dev’s ML merged again with UML,unconditionally. Similarly, the split of CPN fourth convention into Masal and Mashal also remained a bitter one in the history. The outing of Baidhya faction from Maoist party is also one of the leading causes of the erosion that resulted in Maoist during 2017 parliamentary election. The party that had received overwhelming majority got shameful defeat. Election.
KP Sharma Oli’s , quotes Kandel, remark, “ Had any rightist leader been the Prime Minister with such an overwhelming majorities, he would have been honored and highly applauded, but being a leftist it has been considered as being just pass”( 12). What Oli expressed is a bitter reality in our context. Domestic as well as foreign power centers try their level best to humiliate an elected Prime Minister merely on the ground of political ideology. They are barricading the present NCP led government and trying to create internal brawl within NCP. Communist parties did same sort of blunder during referendum in 1979 not forging an agreement to cast votes against Panchayet system. Some of the communists participated in the referendum held in 1979, whereas some of them like fourth convention and CPN Marxist Leninist boycotted it claiming it to be betrayal.Lack of right decision in right time has been the prime weakness with Nepalese communists.
The merger of four fragments of communist parties, Mashal, Fourth Convention, Proletarian Labor Organization and Rebel under the name of NCP, Unity Center in 1990 remained a milestone for communist movement.
Major disputes of Communist movement
Indiscipline, factionalism, and anarchy that had already been brewed from the second convention reached to climax after the dissolution of CPN due to unnecessary disputes and two line struggle.Prachanda concludes, ‘Party suffered factionalism up to 1968’ and communist movement lost its strength. After the then king Mahendra’s coup in 1960 Nepalese communist movement got a serious setback as most of the leaders were arrested and sent to jail. After the third convention in 1963, CPN split into many fragments and major dispute brewed between Pushpa Lal and Mohan Bikram after Pushpa Lal proposed a new democratic program as a political agenda in 1969 in Gorakhpur. Even within Nucleus there emerged strong differences on the issue of viewing the struggle of 1950 and Nepali Congress. Series of allegations and counter allegations continued among Mohan Bikram, Nirmal Lama, Man Mohan Adhikari, ShambhuRam Shrestha and Siddhi Lal Shrestha resulting to the separation of Siddhi Lal and others from Patan District Committee Nucleus. Mohan Bikram labeled Pushpa Lal as a traitor and the rift between them intensified.Kandel analyzed the publication of ‘Traitor Pushpa Lal’ as the finest example of a repulsive and negative event and biased contemplation (163).
During the fourth convention of CPN held in 1973 in Varanasi, India Mohan Bikram faction forwarded the slogan of ‘ The government of nationalist and democratic forces’ whereas Pushpa Lal faction forwarded the agenda of ending the Panchayet system through Communist –Congress joint movement. Though Pushpa Lal’s agenda got justice only after the joint movement 1990, (Communist-congress alliance), the relation between Mohan Bikram and Pushpa Lal turned to be inimical and hostile. Mohan Bikram’s analysis ‘ Congress but not the king is the main traitor’ provided a chance to Pushpa Lal in blaming Mohan Bikram , “ Yesterday’s Mohan Bikramproves today’s Mohan Bikram as an anti- Marxist and royalist’( 78). Pushpa Lal viewed Mohan Bikram similar to KesharJung Raymajhi. Such allegations and counter allegations begun from the beginning till date have weakened communist movement.
After the fourth convention of CPN, Mohan Bikram centralized his attention in criticizing and defaming Jhapali faction of CPN through publishing a book entitled, “Refutation on Radical Left” in 1977 and tried to establish his allegation against Pushpa Lal for being pro-congress. Sharma claims, “Mohan Bikram had been expelled from the party for his extreme individualism and sexual anarchy” (TV Interview). Due to the some disputes even the CPN Fourth Convention split in 1983 after Nirmal Lama and his followers resigned and formally CPN Fourth Convention split and Mohan Bikram formed a new party under the name of CPN,Mashal and organized its fifth convention the same year. Amidst a growing dispute Mohan Bikram organized party convention in 1986 and declared himself to be the general secretary of Masal. Mohan VaidyaKiran and his followers remained in Mashal. Though there were no visible difference between Mashal and Masal, says Kandel, the rift among the leaders continued. Prachanda became the general secretary of Mashal pushing Vaidya and others back and took political benefit taking right decision with the concrete analysis of concrete condition.
The two line struggles taking place in Chinese, Russian and Indian communist parties not only v influenced Nepalese communist parties but also became the causing factor in party split. Kandel opines, “The tendency of blind imitation has been a continuous phenomenon in the movement of Nepal Communist party since its establishment” (179). If we look back the history of dissent and dispute within Maoist, the ascendance of Prachanda to the power seems to be working among Baidhya, Gajurel and their supporters. To accept a junior party worker like Prachanda as their general secretary or leader has been stony hard for them and this is the forceful reason and primecause of their split. Though they approved Prachandapath unanimously as party’s guiding principle, the terminology had pinched Biddya faction to the core of their heart. The dispute between Prachanda and Dr. Baburam Bhattarai had a long history though it was unmanifested in public. Between them a long series of allegations like being pro –India and pro-palace kept on continuing till their formal separation. Political analysts are of the view that the chemistry behind their internal dispute no more ideological and political it is personal. Personal in the sense for the sake of power. Concluding that he could lead the party as the chairman till there was the presence of Prachanda Dr. Baburam Bhattarai kept on seeking pretension for the outing from the party. This can be proved by his instable stance seen these days in his political life. He left Maoist, formed Naya Shakti Party, again joined in the party unification with UML and Maoist but left it before the ink went dry, left Naya Shakti and joined Federal Socialist Party. Behind his instable political life his excessive idealist thought might have played. Leaders keep on showing their differences on simple use of words, commas and full stops but not ideology, tactics, guiding principles and party line. Individual ego remains the cause of their conflict. Moreover, leaders easily ignore their ground, history, and martyrs contribution for the cause.
Future of Communist Movement
Communism gained a strong foothold, says Rosenberg, in the world during the first half of the 20th century, with one-third of the world’s population living under some form of communism by the 1970s. However, just a decade later, many of the major communist governments around the world toppled. So far the future of communist movement in Nepal is concern it is a serious issue. The global political phenomena has occupied its space through different course. Everything has been globalized and no one can be aloof of it. The slogans,programs and activities communist parties in Nepal forwarded are getting outdated. What Karl Marx, Angels and Mao-Ze-Dong synthesized in contemporary time are getting inappropriate these days? There is a widening gap between what leaders say and do. Communist parties are still fragmented and keep on seeking a pretension to defame each other instead of joining the main stream foe the greater cause of the people. No unanimity can be seen between their principle/ideology and practice. Artificiality is swallowing them and pragmatic approach has been confined within their Mantra. Pointing the challenging days ahead Kandel concludes, “The remembrance of the conspiracies and tactics played in the communist movement of Nepal to fulfill the objectives of the nation and parties signals the challenging days ahead” (XIX). KP Oli, the Prime Minister and chairman of NCP also views some challenges that the party has to face.
After 2006/2007 communist leaders did not remain as they used to be in the past. They ignored their past with the working class people. Their life style, food behavior, their connections, their cloths, and overall manner got changed. They adopted the policy to grab and accumulate wealth at any cost ignoring its ethical facet in terms of ideology. They involved in pondering of national wealth by hook and crook. In the name of all party committee they established monopoly in construction, supply and maintenance work and plundered national fund. Even in policy making we can see members of parliament lobbying for their petty self instead of policy making for the long term development work. Most of the leaders’ sons are found handling their father’s legacy. The question comes, how such tradition may be helpful in uplifting the life of poor peasants?Since Communist parties have failed to hold and mold the youth under its ideology, the future of communism is not as hopeful as the leaders keep on lecturing. Parties are on the horns of dilemma these days. That is why once a renowned communist leader Dr. Baburam Bhattarai left communist movement and making warm under the quilt of Madhesh based party. Moreover, globalization has been narrowing such forces to their certain periphery tying their limbs tightly and showing lucrative future before them as Chamberlin in his article ‘Communism is not the wave of the future predicts, ‘any case, a system that clearly does not win the enthusiastic confidence of its own youth is not likely to be a world-conquering force’. Communism had not fallen down in Russia in Europe and gradually declining from the soil of India. No can claim that Nepalese communist leaders won’t follow the foot prints of those countries and their leaders.
Conclusion
No matter CPN Maoist crossed innumerable bends and modes amidst ups and downs , it played a crucial role in making voiceless people utter their voice, marginalized sections of the society come to the center, helpless people to register their agony and raised the voice to end all sorts discriminations and disparities prevailed in the society. It has come to the main stream politics and added a strong brick to make communist movement really meaningful among the proletarian class people of Nepal heralding the new era across the world. The present party unification with UML has further consolidated the movement irrigating a hope of bright future among the people. Despite the pious objective of the establishment of Nepal Communist party, it could not accomplish its prime duty in time. However, the objective to make people sovereign has been accomplished after the end of Rana autocracy and feudal monarchy with the restoration of democracy and promulgation of pro-people constitution 2016/17.
Nepalese Communist movement suffered a setback due to frequent split, division, and dispute. Splitting party merely on the ground of a trifle issue, personal ego, and foreign influence has been a common phenomenon in the history of Nepalese communist movement. Rare cases of ideological and political disputes can be seen behind the split. The imitation of Chinese, Russian, and Indian communist parties and conspiracies of domestic feudal and reactionary forces as well as international power centers intrigue are the causing factors in party split. Moreover, individual ego, and changed life style also played significant role behind it. This very nature of communist leaders are being surfaced even these days. Though general public are hopeful to have better future in the days to come, present activities of the party and its leaders are hopeless. They have trust over their leaders, however, the present scenario shows that the flame of hope may go off any time as the national and international reactionaries and regressive forces are trying their level best to dismantle communist rule through defaming the leaders, creating dispute among the party leaders and provoking the media to speak and write against the leaders. Despite rays of hope of the better future of communist movement in Nepal, the global political phenomena does not support it and prefers to abolish as soon as possible. Kandel’s safe landing does not present such a gloomy picture of the future, the author is not optimist too much. The leaders should be very serious to save their movement and irrigate the hope in general public.
The end
Works Cited:
https:// fee.org/articles/communism-is -not-the-wave-of the -future. n.d. 12 july 2018.
https://www.thoughtco.com/the-downfall-of-communism-1779970. n.d. 6 July 2018.
Kandel, Shubha Shankar. Avataran. Kathmandu: Center for Asian Research & Studies, 2018.
Khadka, Narayan. “Factionalism in the Communist Movement in Nepal.” Pacific Affairs (1995 Vol. 68): 55-56.
Prachanda. “Bishwolai Naya Sandesh Dieedaichha.” Khabardar Weekly 17 November 2006.
Sharma, Janardan. Interview. ABC News Shubha Shankar Kandel. 5 August 2018.
Shrestha, Pushpa Lal. Selected Articles . Kathmandu, 1978. 78.
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